- The OPDO
- The ODF
- Oromo Federalist Party, etc.
Of course the seriousness of the consequences of such resentment can vary greatly, depending on how reactions from each group is handled. That is why discussions should have been taken place between those in community and organization leadership positions before paper was written and put out there. Now the organizers of this conference had to explain themselves to the Amharas and possibly the TPLF can exploit the situation. What we’ve learned from the interview of Jawar and Iskeal on BBN radio explains this reality very well. In this case, success may mean something different for all involved. Jawar and Isqael Gabisa may feel that they are contributing to the greater good when they claim that the Oromo is more Ethiopian than anyone else, but that might be considered as treason to those who have lost their body part and their families to the liberation war.
Someone who understands the communication problems that exist among the Oromos should bring the Oromo first and improve relationship considerably and then organize conference in which resolutions that explains the challenges and the hopes ahead can be announced. As it stands now, Jawar and Isqeal are having so much trouble articulating the Oromo and Amhara relationships in the so called new Ethiopia. I suspect that most Habashas would probably avoid interacting with Jawar or Isqeal if and when they understand the empty political rhetoric the two gentlemen are using is not useful to them. That means, at the end of the day, we might find it embarrassing to find ourselves in this situation once again. If that happens, not only we will be ashamed, but the created situation impedes the objective of the Oromo liberation by forcing the Amharas shift their politics from Amhara centered to Ethiopia unity based ideology. Of course this will isolate the Oromo and brings the Tigre and the Amharas together. Some people are already reluctant to buy the idea of forming the transitional government of Ethiopia while others are eager to be part of it.
Trotsky in his writing of 1904 explained that the permanent revolution is a matter of accepting that the objective tasks facing the Russian workers were those of the bourgeois democratic revolution, while how in a backward country in the epoch of imperialism, the “national bourgeoisie” was inseparably linked to the remains of feudalism on the one hand, and to imperialist capital on the other. That means he said, therefore such revolution is unable to carry through any of its historical tasks.